American president Nixon was angry;name called Indira Gandhi bitch 1971



Indira was a bitch to Nixon - Times of India




Jun 30, 2005 - News; /; World News; /; US News; /; Indira was a bitch to Nixon ... over the old witch"...to keep her "from going out of here saying that the United ...
when she defeated pakistan and made Bangladesh.

It was the first time American diktat failed .Russians helped in the win

1971 War: How Russia sank Nixon's gunboat diplomacy - Russia ...



Dec 20, 2011 - Exactly 40 years ago, India won a famous victory over Pakistan due to its ... The Russian manoeuvres clearly helped prevent a direct clash ...

but Nixon and CIA STARTED THE OVERTHROW INDIRA GANDHI SECRET CAMPAIGN SOON AFTER BANGLA DESH WIN OF 1971.

.FOR THIS BRITAIN- WHO WAS A COLONIAL RULER OF INDIA FOR 200 YEARS WAS DRAWN IN BY CIA ,BECAUSE BRITAIN KNEW HOW TO DIVIDE AND RULE IN INDIA TILL 1947.

AS PER BRITISH ADVISE AN ALMOST DEFUNCT PARTYIN PARLIAMENT (WITH JUST 4 MEMBERS  ) WHICH SUDDENLY APPEARED DURING BRITISH RULER CURZON ERA  ALONG WITH A COUNTER PARTY MADE BY CURZON [1900 TO 1930 PERIOD]WAS REVIVED USING THE SAME DIVIDE AND RULE POLITICS OF BRITISH ERA AND USING A RATH

.THE REST IS HISTORY AND PRESENT DAY NEWS.

THE HISTORY INCLUDES IN A FEW LINES:-
ANTI INDIRA GANDHI  AGITATION BY JAYPRAKASH NARAIN

INDIRA GANDHI'S WIN TO LOK SABHA GETS DERAILED BY COURT 

INDIRA START TALKING OF FORIEGN HAND IN INDIAN POLITICS

WHEN PUSHED TO A CORNER BY ALL THESE FORIEGN INSTIGATED EEVENTS SHE DECLARES EMERGENCY

SHE REVOKES EMERGENCY AFTER 2 YEARS 

SHE LOOSES ELECTION MAINLY IN NORTH INDIAN STATES WHILE WINNING BY HUGE MARGINS IN SOUTH INDIA

SHE WINS FROM SOUTH INDIA

MAHAGADBANTHAN OF HER ENEMY PARTIES FALL APART ABOUT R.S.S. LINK

RE ELECTION SHE WINS 

SHE IS KILLED BY SIKH TERRORISTS [SPONSORED BY BRITAIN AND CIA]
Jun 16, 1984 - Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's Government has been insisting that ''certain foreign powers'' supported the Sikh terrorist movement in Punjab

CIA Discussed Indira Gandhi's Death 2 Years Before it Happened ...



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Aug 10, 2017 - Nearly two years before the assassination of Indira Gandhi, the CIA had suggested that her son Rajiv Gandhi may not succeed her in the event ...

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RAJIV GANDHI TAKES OVER 

RAJIV GANDHI KILLED BY L.T.T.E. TERORISTS{SPONSORED BY BRITAIN AND .......}

CIA had detailed brief on Rajiv Gandhi assassination aftermath, 5 ...



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A PERIOD OF UNSTABLE MAHAGADBANTHAN MINUS B.J.P

CHAPTER-3 Coalition Politics in Pre-National Democratic Alliance Era



coalition politics is older than the Indian constitution itself. 1. Undivided. India had its ..... single party dominance reemerged during the period from 1980-89. This.


 BJP GOVERNMENT UNDER VAJPAI [GADHBANDHAN}


CONGRESS WITH OTHER PARTY SUPPORT 10 YEARS


THE PRESENT GOVERNMENT 


THE NEXT MAHAGADHBANDHAN GOVERNMENT
================================================

SADLY AMERICA IS NOW UNDER GOVERNMENT SHUT DOWN=A PUNISHMENT .

AND BRITAIN IS NOW WORSE THAN GOVERNMENT SHUT DOWN =BREXIT =NEITHER PART OF E.U NOR A STABLE COUNTRY ALONE=WITH P.M. MAY RUNNING AROUND LIKE A HEADLESS HEN=ANOTHER PUNISHMENT

.ALSO ISRAEL THE SILENT WORKER IN ALL NATIONS TO CAUSE PROBLEMS=NOW NETANYAHU IS ACCUSED OF CORRUPTION.

WHEN THESE NASTY NATIONS GANGED UP AGAINST INDIA TO DIVIDE INDIA USING COMMUNAL PARTIES THEY WERE PUNISHED

 .MORALS
COMMUNALISM AS A POLICY WILL NOT WIN IN INDIA



CIA's Dacca connection

A prominent American journalist and author, Lawrence Lifschultz, has launched a campaign that he hopes will convince the US Congress to begin a sweeping investigation of the role played by Henry Kissinger and the CIA in the events - starting in 1971 - that led to the murder of Bangladesh's first President, Mujibur Rehman in 1975.

A prominent American journalist and author, Lawrence Lifschultz, has launched a campaign that he hopes will convince the US Congress to begin a sweeping investigation of the role played by Henry Kissinger and the CIA in the events - starting in 1971 - that led to the murder of Bangladesh's first President, Mujibur Rehman in 1975.

Lifschultz, who served for many years as the South Asian correspondent for the Far Eastern Economic Review, is going to fire the first salvo in his campaign in a book which will be published this month containing strong evidence of America's attempt to destroy the Mujibist revolution in 1971 and its possible involvement in the coup that overthrew Mujib four years later.

"There is ample evidence," Lifschultz said in a telephone interview from his home in East Haven, Connecticut, "that US intelligence agencies along with Kissinger had advance knowledge of the coup against Mujib. But much more research needs to be done. What I have is only part of the story. There are hundreds of cables on this subject in the State Department that we have not been able to obtain under the Freedom of Information Act. And we have been denied interviews with people like William Grimsley (a former CIA station chief in New Delhi) and Alan Wolfe."But Lifschultz did obtain an interview with Kissinger's former staff assistant on the National Security Council, Roger Morris. Morris said it is "absolutely plausible" that Kissinger gave his "nod" to Mujib's ouster because Mujib was on Kissinger's "enemies list" of the "three most hated men" along with Allende and Thieu. He perceived all three as major obstacles to his geopolitical diplomacy, "and he would have felt no hesitation to unseat an already unstable regime, and replacing it with a client state."

Evidence: India Today has obtained an advance copy of Lifschultz's forthcoming book, Bangladesh: The Unfinished Revolution, presenting evidence that the forces - including the cast of characters that overthrew Mujib on August 15,1975 - were the same that unsuccessfully tried to orchestrate a pro - Pakistani betrayal of Mujib in 1971. They were Kissinger and his emissaries, Bangladesh commerce minister who later became President, Khondakar Mushtaque Ahmed, and his associates, and Bangladesh's own intelligence services.

While much of Lifschultz's prodigious research, which took him three years to complete, is a product of his own interviews with Bangladesh and State Department sources, a significant portion of it is based on what is known as the Carnegie Papers. The Carnegies Endowment for Peace, (an influential think tank with close links to America's foreign policy establishment), launched its own probe of America's Bangladesh policies. Carnegie researchers conducted some 200 high-level interviews but the ultimate study was suppressed. But Lifschultz however was able to obtain, through leaks, large portions of the hitherto secret interview material compiled for the aborted Carnegie project.

That six junior military officers, backed by 200 soldiers, overthrew Mujib on their own to demonstrate the army's disenchantment with his policies, Lifschultz says, is a myth. This myth was first exploded by British journalist Anthony Mascarenhas who interviewed two Bangladesh majors involved in the coup and discovered that they were linked to Mushtaque. But the new study goes even further and states, on the basis of interviews with American officials, that the US Embassy in Dacca was approached by the perpetrators of the coup more than six months in advance of it.

Clandestine Activities: These discussions, according to the book, continued until January 1975 from when on, because of pressure from a Senate Intelligence Committee probe of CIA's covert and assassination activities, the contacts were conducted clandestinely bypassing normal diplomatic channels. The author has received information that the man in charge of dealing with the coup perpetrators was Dacca's CIA Station Chief Philip Cherry. But Cherry, in an interview with Lifschultz, has denied all involvement.

But information on the planning of the coup, Lifschultz's diplomatic sources told him, was regularly forwarded to Kissinger and his aides George Griffin and Harold Saunders. The Bangladeshis who approached the Americans for their assent to the coup, the book reveals, were Mahmud Alam Chashi, chairman of the Rural Development Academy, Taheruddin Thakur, Mujib's information minister, and A. B. S. Safder, Chashi and Thakur were by Khondakar Mushtaque's side when he announced Mujib's overthrow over Dacca Radio, and Safder was later to become director of Bangladesh's intelligence services (MIS).

The Kissinger-Ahmed-Chashi-Thakur-Safder link goes back to 1971. The Carnegie papers establish beyond any doubt that as many as eight secret contacts took place during that year between American intelligence sources and a faction of the Awami League Government-in-exile in an effort to split the Bangladesh independence movement and arrive at a settlement short of independence acceptable to Pakistan's Yahya Khan, whom Kissinger was wooing in the pursuit of his China initiative.
Mujib was then in jail in Pakistan and the head of his provisional government in Calcutta was Tajuddin Ahmed who was viewed by Kissinger as pro-India and pro-Soviet and a democratic socialist. The Americans made contact with Mushtaque who represented the right wing of the Awami League, through Chashi and Thakur. Chashi, a foreign service officer, had served in the US in the 1950s and was known to be committed ideologically to the American lobby.

According to Lifschultz, Kissinger - either in Europe, Washington or in New Delhi en route to Peking in July 1971 - talked directly to a representative of the Mushtaque faction.

The Plot: Since Tajuddin was committed to full independence for Bangladesh, "absolute discretion and secrecy was the key to splitting the Bengali leadership and supporting that faction which would compromise with Pakistan and not demand full independence", Lifschultz says.

Rehman: on Kissinger's enemies list
The moment for the 1971 coup against the Mujibists, the study suggests, was to be October 1971, when Mushtaque, as the provisional government's foreign minister, was to arrive in New York to present the Bangladesh case before the UN. According to plan he would unilaterally, and without warning, announce a compromise solution, short of independence and thereby pull off a coup against the Awami League leadership in Calcutta.

The plot was foiled after Tajuddin discovered Mushtaque's secret meetings and confined him to house arrest. After Mujib's return, Mushtaque was unceremoniously demoted to a lower ranking ministry. According to the Carnegie Papers the Mushtaque-Chashi-Thakur clique dealt with Griffin who was then a political officer in Calcutta. He reported directly to Saunders, now assistant secretary for South Asian affairs, and through him to Kissinger- the same trio who four years later were kept informed of the impending coup against Mujib by the same cast of Bengali characters.

The role of the Bangladesh intelligence services in 1971 and 1975 is a sordid tale of betrayal and intrigue. What is generally not known is that between 1961 and 1971,40 Bengali police officers - most of whom still occupy high government positions - were trained in CIA-sponsored counter-intelligence-oriented police academies such as the International Police Academy in Washington under Usaid's Office of Public Safety (OPS) programme. Thousands of police officers from Third World nations were trained under OPS.

Irony:
The OPS-Bangladesh connection is a grim one. Safder, said to be one of the contact men from the Mushtaque group with CIA's Cherry in 1975 is an OPS graduate.

Safder - once General Ayub's chief intelligence officer in East Pakistan - was undergoing OPS training in Washington when the Bangladesh civil war began. When the war was at its height that summer he, and another Bengali colleague Abdur Rahim, also trained in Washington, returned to East Bengal to side with Pakistan.

Safder took over a role in the counter-insurgency forces while Rahim took command of the dreaded Razakar Paramilitary Forces. All the OPS-trained officers, Lifschultz discovered, dominated the respective branches of their services and all remained in their posts and collaborated with the Pakistanis during the civil war, an activity that gained them the title of the Bangladesh Vichy. After the Mujib victory, there were widespread demands that the "Vichy" be tried for their crimes but they were saved from trial through heavy western and Islamic bloc pressure.

Most of them went into hiding. But it is an irony of history that when Mujib was collapsing in 1974 under the weight of national bankruptcy and a famine and charges of corruption he was forced to rely for his protection on the very forces that had fought on the other side during his struggle. Both Safder and Rahim were brought back into the government. The question is often posed how Mujib's intelligence apparatus failed to foresee the coup, Lifschultz suggests they were involved in it. After Mujib's ouster his entire secretariat fled for their lives but Rahim and Safder remained.

Dissent: During the period 1971 through 1975, according to the Carnegie Papers, Kissinger chose to orchestrate his personal diplomacy by bypassing diplomats and embassies and relying on secret contacts. Early in 1971 the American Consul General in Dacca, Archer Blood, sent a cable to Kissinger containing a resounding dissent against his Pakistan policy, signed by his colleagues. Many State Department officials who saw the cable in Washington added their signatures to it. They included prominent diplomats such as Howard Schaffer, Craig Baxter, Douglas Cockran, Anthony Quainton, Townsend Swayze, and Andrew Kilgore.

All of them, in the days ahead, says Lifschultz, were systematically ignored and frozen from making policy. And just as the American consul in Dacca was bypassed in 1974-75 during the secret negotiations with the Mushtaque clique, so too in 1971 Ambassador Kenneth Keating in Delhi, and Consul Herbert Gordon in Calcutta were kept in the dark about the real content of the discussions between the Mushtaque group and Kissinger's emissaries in their earlier attempt to break the Mujibist movement.

Some of the reasons for Kissinger's dislike of the Mujibists may be summed up as follows:

  • Kissinger's preference for dictatorships and dislike for democratic nonaligned movements.
  • Mujib was on his most hated list because of the trouble he caused him in his China policy.
  • The US was annoyed with Mujib for permitting the Soviet navy into Chittagong harbour - something unlikely to be repeated under Zia who is viewed as pro-Western.
  • The Mushtaque faction was seen as pro-American while Tajuddin was seen as a leftist and pro-Moscow.
  • Mujib was viewed as part of the Indo-Soviet axis engineered by Mrs Gandhi whom Nixon hated passionately and constantly referred to as "that bitch".

Nixon and Mrs Gandhi: hatred for Indira and India
Revelation of Nixon's personal hatred of India and of Mrs Gandhi and his calling her a "bitch" appears in an interview in the Carnegie Papers. A senior diplomatic correspondent who gave the interview said: "Nixon had a psychological thing about female leaders. He just didn't like Mrs Gandhi, and he liked military leaders like Yahya... After four or five months of indecision, they had major breakthroughs on China. In July, Kissinger had already made his trip. By that time they were only interested in one thing; to caress and coddle their relationship with China-to maintain that link.

Abusive: "In the fall as Mrs Gandhi's US visit approached, they were worried about the US-Pakistan-China alignment. I remember Nixon referred to Mrs Gandhi in abusive language several times. The tenor of the conversation was: "If she would only understand what was good for her. She misunderstood her own interests as they saw them. From things that Kissinger, Rogers and Sisco told Mrs Gandhi she realised they were operating on two different levels. I remember one reception during Mrs Gandhi's visit, Nixon made one of his blue sky toasts and Mrs Gandhi was very cold. The 'abusive' references were even greater after that at the White House."

Another senior State Department source said: "Back in 1967, I had Nixon in my house for three hours. He'd just been in a meeting with Indira Gandhi and he castigated her. He said she was no better than her father, that none of them were any better than Krishna Menon. He said he didn't understand how I could stand the Indians, how I could stand living in Bombay or Calcutta. I think the President's dislike for India was an important consideration in the Bangladesh crisis."
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Vijay Simha
Vijay Simha, former Journalist Based in New Delhi
It was not the Britishers per se but Lord Mountbatten who ensured that the partition of India went in India’s favor.
To begin with Lord Mountbatten was not a Britisher in the real sense, but had German heritage. Both his parents had German lineage.
The Mountbatten family is a European dynasty originating as a branch of the German princely Battenberg family, which anglicized their names to Mountbatten.
The name was adopted on the eve of World War I by family members residing in the United Kingdom due to the widespread and boiling anti-German sentiment among the British public which forced his father, Prince Louis of Battenberg -to resign in disgrace as the First Sea Lord of the Royal Navy.
This incident was shocking to him, and this slight, he wanted to avenge by rising in his career by his own merit.
Increasing anti-German hysteria even threw suspicion upon the British monarchy and King George V was persuaded to change his German name of Saxe-Coburg und Gotha to Windsor and relinquish all German titles and styles on behalf of his relatives who were British subjects.
Mountbatten had a love affair in India with his future wife Edwina during his visit in March 1921, when he accompanied the Prince of Wales on a Royal tour of India and Japan.
Edwina and him had very fond memories of both the countries during their brief stay in 1921.
He liked both countries immensely, but ended up fighting against Japan in World War II as Supreme Allied Commander in South Asia and presided over the surrender ceremony of the Imperial Japanese Army in Singapore where he and his wife developed a close friendship with future Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru who had arrived just in time to witness the surrender.
Here is a photograph of Mountbatten as Supreme Allied Commander in South East Asia, riding with Jawaharlal Nehru in Singapore before attending the surrender ceremony of the Imperial Japanese Army.
When he came to India in 1947 as the Viceroy who was supposed to bring down the curtains of the British Raj, he was specifically instructed by Churchill, who hated the Indian Congress leaders to the core and had developed a friendly rapport with All India Muslim League leader M. A Jinnah, who collaborated completely with the British administration during the war years while the entire Congress leadership was in jail, owing to the British clamp down on the Quit-India movement, by providing a steady stream of Muslim soldiers from the Punjab, Northwest Frontier provinces and the United Provinces to augment the flagging British Army in North Africa during the Desert War against the Deutsches Afrika Korps (D A K) under General Erwin Rommel and his Italian allies.
The British armies received a major drubbing on June 21st 1942 with the fall of their fortress of Tobruk in North Africa after the battle of Gazala when more than 30,000 of them surrendered to the German (D A K) and Italian auxilliary armies and Churchill desperately needed foot soldiers (Cannon Fodder) to clear the extensive German minefields and shore up their defenses of Alexandria, Cairo and the Suez Canal.
Jinnah immediately came to Churchill’s rescue by organizing recruitment drives in the United Provinces, the Punjab and the North West Frontier Provinces to recruit Muslim soldiers for this purpose.
Churchill’s lively correspondence with Jinnah had started during the war years 1941–45, soon after he had heard about the Lahore declaration of March 23–24 1940 made by the Muslim league calling for a separate country for India’s Muslims in the subcontinent and he promised Jinnah - his pound of flesh and pail of blood - Pakistan - in 1944 itself and it was to be a substantial part of North India - All of the Punjaball of Bengal, all of Sindh and all of Assam in addition to all those areas in Northern India with Muslim majorities.
This was Churchill’s way of thanking Jinnah for his unstinted help in supplying a lot of foot soldiers for the Allied North African campaign during the years 1942 and 43.
This confidential correspondence between the two leaders, which reveals in full measure, Churchill’s dastardly bias against the Hindus can be still gleaned from the archives in London, continued till 1947 and beyond.
In a letter dated June 20th 1946, Churchill chides M. A. Jinnah for his political inactivity and advises him to “Stir the pot quite a bit” .. “if you want your Pakistan to become a reality”.
In another letter to Jinnah dated August 3, 1946, Churchill wrote: “I am very much opposed to the handing over of India to Hindu caste rule, as seems very largely to be intended…”
Historians have long been aware of a nexus of sorts between Jinnah and Churchill, but these letters, for the first time, bring the relationship into public domain.
The letters also reveal that Jinnah used the Direct Action Day on August 27 as a strategic move to upstage both the Congress and the British.
In a missive dated July 7, 1946 to Churchill, Jinnah hinted that blood would soon flow on the streets of Indian cities — and it did. Nearly 6,000 people were killed in the bloodiest-ever communal riots in Calcutta, instigated by Muslim League vigilantes over Jawaharlal Nehru’s rejection of the Cripps Commission report which had given the option for Muslim majority provinces to secede from the Indian Union.
This was soon followed by the Noakhali massacres against the Hindus of Eastern Bengal.
Retaliatory rioting happened in Bihar where the Muslims came worse off and rioting occurred in Western Punjab and the North West Frontier provinces where Hindus and Sikhs suffered massacres.
India was literally in flames and needed a political solution urgently.
On 20 February 1947, Lord Mountbatten was appointed India’s last viceroy.
Soon after he landed in India, in March 1947, he did something unprecedented..
He threw open the Viceregal mansion- today known as Rashtrapati Bhavan - to the Indian public, something no viceroy before him had done and for the first time the common man in India could attend the tea party and sip tea a few meters away from the Viceroy while he chatted amicably with the leaders of the Indian Congress party and All India Muslim League, while also going on a guided tour of the mansion and admire the extensive rose garden in the backyard.
Mountbatten was fond of Congress leader Jawaharlal Nehru and his liberal outlook for the country. He felt differently about the Muslim leader Muhammed Ali Jinnah, but was aware of his power, stating "If it could be said that any single man held the future of India in the palm of his hand in 1947, that man was Mohammad Ali Jinnah."
During his meeting with Jinnah on 5 April 1947,
Mountbatten tried to persuade Jinnah of keeping India united, citing the difficult task of dividing the mixed states of Punjab and Bengal, but the Muslim leader was unyielding in his goal of establishing a separate Muslim state called Pakistan
Discussions began with both the Congress leaders who did not favor the partition of India and with whom he got along well and the Muslim League leader Jinnah who insisted on it and came across as a cold and distant schemer.
He was rather irritated by Jinnah’s logic when Jinnah demanded that the whole of the Punjab and Bengal which had large Hindu majority regions and all of Assam, be made part of Pakistan.
Lord Mountbatten had an independent mind and knew right from wrong because of his German heritage. He was not going to follow anybody’s advice.. even if that advice and directive came from Winston Churchill himself.
He knew from personal experience, how horrible a person wronged by prejudice, felt, by looking back with remorse at the career of his own German father which had been cut short abruptly on the eve on World War I.
He did not share the withering, contemptuous and nauseating hatred the English upper classes had developed during the closing years of the RAJ towards the India’s Hindu people who they felt were the majority in India’s anti colonial struggle having allowed themselves to be lead by that “Half Naked Charlatan” - Gandhi to wrest the “Jewel in the Crown” from them.
He first reasoned with Jinnah against partition and pointed out to him the humongous human and material cost of such an undertaking and the bloodshed and misery it would cause and also the lasting ill effects it would bring to the entire subcontinent for decades to come.
When Jinnah with Churchill’s backing, was adamant and insisted on partitioning the country, he pointed out to Jinnah the flaws in his own theory.
His conversation with Jinnah in May 1947 went like this.
“Mr Jinnah you insist that India should be partitioned and Muslims cannot live with Hindus as minorities in this land.
How then do you suppose, that it is alright for the large Hindu populations of Eastern Punjab and Western Bengal to be under the rule of Muslim-majority Pakistan.
Sorry.. you cannot have it both ways…. If you insist on partitioning India, based on religious demography, then the Hindu majority regions of Eastern Punjab and Western Bengal including the city of Calcutta will have to be part of India and cannot be part of Pakistan.
Punjab and Bengal will have to be partitioned also, based on demographic realities…
Also, all of Assam cannot be part of Pakistan because there is clearly no Muslim majority in that region.”
Jinnah was taken aback by this and began to complain loudly about getting a “moth-eaten” Pakistan, but Mountbatten told him to sit down quietly and accept what was going to be been granted by the boundary commision which drew the borders between the two states.
Here is a picture of the final meeting where everybody was on board.
Mountbatten had verbally belabored Jinnah the previous day behind closed doors and ordered him to express his assent to the arrangement with a mere nod of his head.
He threatened Jinnah, telling him in a very candid and stern manner that if he made any more unreasonable demands, then the whole “Pakistan affair” would be “Off” and consigned to the dustbin of history.
In some ways Mountbatten may have been under a lot of pressure from Churchill and others in the British government who desperately wanted to create a “client state” in India’s Northwest to check Soviet expansionism towards the Arabian sea.
Since the city of Lahore in the Punjab was given to Pakistan by the boundary commision, Mountbatten compensated India by awarding the city of Amritsar and the district of Gurdaspur to India at the last minute to assuage the feelings of the aggrieved Sikhs, who hated to see all of Western Punjab which had been their homeland and holy land for close to five centuries, being awarded to Pakistan.
Jinnah avenged these decisions which were very unpalatable to him, by not allowing Mountbatten to be Governor General of Pakistan in 1947 and appointed himself Governor General of that newly formed dominion instead.
Mountbatten remembered this slight and paid him in kind when it came to the Kashmir issue.
Churchill wanted the princely states to declare their independence from India.
He was always fond of uttering loudly the following sentence :
Pakistan, Princestan and what ever remains of that mess will be called Hindustan and that … will be the final fate of our Indian empire.
Lord Mountbatten overruled Churchill, torpedoed this atrocious plan which would have Balkanized India and told the princes that their fate was left entirely to their final decisions and they had to decide whether to join India or Pakistan.
Remaining independent was not an option for them.
Soon Hindu and Sikh majority princely states in the subcontinent joined India after being coerced by Sardar Patel and VP Menon and Muslim majority princely states like Bahawalpur and Khairpur, joined Pakistan.
When Jinnah pushed his luck and tried to annex the princely state of Kashmir by force, then Mountbatten who was Governor General of India clearly sided with Nehru after advising Nehru to FIRST secure in a legal manner, the instrument of accession to the Indian Union, from the vacillating Hindu Maharaja of Kashmir and then allowed the Indian army and airforce to airlift troops to the vale of Kashmir and defeat and drive out the armed Lashkars Jinnah had sent to take over the valley.
Frank Messervy, a general of the former British Indian Army who was Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army from 1947 to 1948, reported directly to Lord Mountbatten who had ordered him to stand down and do nothing when the Kashmir crisis unfolded.
Messervy overruled and openly disobeyed an exasperated Jinnah who repeatedly ordered him to send the newly formed Pakistan army to intervene with full force in Kashmir.
Messervy’s aide-de-camp later recollected that he would bang the phone down as soon as he heard Jinnah’s voice at the other end of the line pleading with him to do something.
The Pakistan Army stayed put in its barracks and consequently Jinnah had to rely on irregular Pathan Lashkars who were not a professional fighting force at all and were no match for the seasoned and professional Indian Army
Nehru very naively did not push matters too far, although he was advised by his astute Home Minister - Sardar Patel to wait till the Indian army had overrun all of Kashmir and not approach the United Nations Security Council, knowing fully well that a cease fire would be immediately ordered by the UN Body.
This blunder of Himalayan proportions, allowed Kashmir’s Northern areas: Gilgit Baltistan and a small portion of Kashmir which is today known as Pakistan Occupied Kashmir to remain under Pakistan’s control.
Kashmir did not see much rioting between Hindus and Muslims in 1947 or 1948 and the populace led by Sheikh Abdullah , a personal friend of Nehru, were at peace after their state was given a special status in the Indian Union.
Before Mountbatten returned home, in 1948, he made a startling and accurate prediction one day before his departure to England.
He said that this abnormal dominion of Pakistan will not last more than a quarter century before it breaks apart into two separate nations.
His prescient observation came true, a mere twenty four years later on Dec 16th 1971, when Jinnah’s Pakistan was sundered forever, following a humiliating surrender, when the East Pakistan Army surrendered to a joint command of the Indian Army and the Bangladesh Resistance Army at the Ramna Race Course garden, heralding the birth a new Nation - Bangladesh in the subcontinent.
East Pakistan became Bangladesh.
————————————————————————————
After the final settlement in 1948, Winston Churchill, in London, looked testily at the new borders of India and Pakistan, fuming and fretting over what had transpired there under Mountbatten’s watch.
He flew into paroxysms of screaming rage whenever anyone mentioned India or Mountbatten to him.
The last meeting between Churchill and Mountbatten is retold here to help readers understand the situation caused by the British partition of India.
After Mountbatten had returned home, accomplishing his task of 'quitting and splitting' India in less than half the time allotted, August 1947 instead of June 1948.
He was given a hero's welcome.
Anthony Eden, hosted a Tory party dinner and invited Churchill also.
When Mountbatten spotted Churchill, he made a beeline for him and advanced with his arms open and a smile lighting up his face.
Churchill halted him with an upheld arresting hand with a pointing, accusing finger. He used Lord Louis's pet name to scream at the top of his voice ,
'Dickie, stand right there!' which caused the taller gentleman to halt in his tracks immediately with a look of complete surprise on his face and the audience all around to be shocked into silence as well.
“What you did in India was like whipping your riding crop against my face!'
The way you partitioned India was contrary to what I had imagined the final frontiers of the two countries to be.
You gave to those lowly, mangy and accursed Hindus a lot more land than to our friends - the Mussalmans of India - who stood by us during the war and you betrayed in the most foul manner, the Maharajahs of our Indian Empire by depriving them of their birthright to secede from India to form their own Independent Dominions “
The room had already fallen silent and everyone could hear each word clearly.
Churchill next turned on his heel and walked out of the room.
He never spoke to Mountbatten for the next seven years.
Source: wikipedia articles.