American president Nixon was angry;name called Indira Gandhi bitch 1971



Indira was a bitch to Nixon - Times of India




Jun 30, 2005 - News; /; World News; /; US News; /; Indira was a bitch to Nixon ... over the old witch"...to keep her "from going out of here saying that the United ...
when she defeated pakistan and made Bangladesh.

It was the first time American diktat failed .Russians helped in the win

1971 War: How Russia sank Nixon's gunboat diplomacy - Russia ...



Dec 20, 2011 - Exactly 40 years ago, India won a famous victory over Pakistan due to its ... The Russian manoeuvres clearly helped prevent a direct clash ...

but Nixon and CIA STARTED THE OVERTHROW INDIRA GANDHI SECRET CAMPAIGN SOON AFTER BANGLA DESH WIN OF 1971.

.FOR THIS BRITAIN- WHO WAS A COLONIAL RULER OF INDIA FOR 200 YEARS WAS DRAWN IN BY CIA ,BECAUSE BRITAIN KNEW HOW TO DIVIDE AND RULE IN INDIA TILL 1947.

AS PER BRITISH ADVISE AN ALMOST DEFUNCT PARTYIN PARLIAMENT (WITH JUST 4 MEMBERS  ) WHICH SUDDENLY APPEARED DURING BRITISH RULER CURZON ERA  ALONG WITH A COUNTER PARTY MADE BY CURZON [1900 TO 1930 PERIOD]WAS REVIVED USING THE SAME DIVIDE AND RULE POLITICS OF BRITISH ERA AND USING A RATH

.THE REST IS HISTORY AND PRESENT DAY NEWS.

THE HISTORY INCLUDES IN A FEW LINES:-
ANTI INDIRA GANDHI  AGITATION BY JAYPRAKASH NARAIN

INDIRA GANDHI'S WIN TO LOK SABHA GETS DERAILED BY COURT 

INDIRA START TALKING OF FORIEGN HAND IN INDIAN POLITICS

WHEN PUSHED TO A CORNER BY ALL THESE FORIEGN INSTIGATED EEVENTS SHE DECLARES EMERGENCY

SHE REVOKES EMERGENCY AFTER 2 YEARS 

SHE LOOSES ELECTION MAINLY IN NORTH INDIAN STATES WHILE WINNING BY HUGE MARGINS IN SOUTH INDIA

SHE WINS FROM SOUTH INDIA

MAHAGADBANTHAN OF HER ENEMY PARTIES FALL APART ABOUT R.S.S. LINK

RE ELECTION SHE WINS 

SHE IS KILLED BY SIKH TERRORISTS [SPONSORED BY BRITAIN AND CIA]
Jun 16, 1984 - Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's Government has been insisting that ''certain foreign powers'' supported the Sikh terrorist movement in Punjab

CIA Discussed Indira Gandhi's Death 2 Years Before it Happened ...



Aug 9, 2017 - Washington: Nearly two years before the assassination of Indira Gandhi, the CIA had suggested that her son Rajiv Gandhi may not succeed her ...

Aug 9, 2017 - Nearly two years before the assassination of Indira Gandhi, the CIA had suggested that her son Rajiv Gandhi may not succeed her in the event ...

Aug 10, 2017 - Nearly two years before the assassination of Indira Gandhi, the CIA had suggested that her son Rajiv Gandhi may not succeed her in the event ...

Nov 2, 1984 - The Soviet press today hinted broadly at CIA involvement in the assassination of India's prime minister Indira Gandhi. The press accounts made ..

RAJIV GANDHI TAKES OVER 

RAJIV GANDHI KILLED BY L.T.T.E. TERORISTS{SPONSORED BY BRITAIN AND .......}

CIA had detailed brief on Rajiv Gandhi assassination aftermath, 5 ...



Jan 29, 2017 - India News: Five years before Rajiv Gandhi was killed in 1991, the US ... by Rajiv, while discounting the possibility of a military coup in such a ...

A PERIOD OF UNSTABLE MAHAGADBANTHAN MINUS B.J.P

CHAPTER-3 Coalition Politics in Pre-National Democratic Alliance Era



coalition politics is older than the Indian constitution itself. 1. Undivided. India had its ..... single party dominance reemerged during the period from 1980-89. This.


 BJP GOVERNMENT UNDER VAJPAI [GADHBANDHAN}


CONGRESS WITH OTHER PARTY SUPPORT 10 YEARS


THE PRESENT GOVERNMENT 


THE NEXT MAHAGADHBANDHAN GOVERNMENT
================================================

SADLY AMERICA IS NOW UNDER GOVERNMENT SHUT DOWN=A PUNISHMENT .

AND BRITAIN IS NOW WORSE THAN GOVERNMENT SHUT DOWN =BREXIT =NEITHER PART OF E.U NOR A STABLE COUNTRY ALONE=WITH P.M. MAY RUNNING AROUND LIKE A HEADLESS HEN=ANOTHER PUNISHMENT

.ALSO ISRAEL THE SILENT WORKER IN ALL NATIONS TO CAUSE PROBLEMS=NOW NETANYAHU IS ACCUSED OF CORRUPTION.

WHEN THESE NASTY NATIONS GANGED UP AGAINST INDIA TO DIVIDE INDIA USING COMMUNAL PARTIES THEY WERE PUNISHED

 .MORALS
COMMUNALISM AS A POLICY WILL NOT WIN IN INDIA



CIA's Dacca connection

A prominent American journalist and author, Lawrence Lifschultz, has launched a campaign that he hopes will convince the US Congress to begin a sweeping investigation of the role played by Henry Kissinger and the CIA in the events - starting in 1971 - that led to the murder of Bangladesh's first President, Mujibur Rehman in 1975.

A prominent American journalist and author, Lawrence Lifschultz, has launched a campaign that he hopes will convince the US Congress to begin a sweeping investigation of the role played by Henry Kissinger and the CIA in the events - starting in 1971 - that led to the murder of Bangladesh's first President, Mujibur Rehman in 1975.

Lifschultz, who served for many years as the South Asian correspondent for the Far Eastern Economic Review, is going to fire the first salvo in his campaign in a book which will be published this month containing strong evidence of America's attempt to destroy the Mujibist revolution in 1971 and its possible involvement in the coup that overthrew Mujib four years later.

"There is ample evidence," Lifschultz said in a telephone interview from his home in East Haven, Connecticut, "that US intelligence agencies along with Kissinger had advance knowledge of the coup against Mujib. But much more research needs to be done. What I have is only part of the story. There are hundreds of cables on this subject in the State Department that we have not been able to obtain under the Freedom of Information Act. And we have been denied interviews with people like William Grimsley (a former CIA station chief in New Delhi) and Alan Wolfe."But Lifschultz did obtain an interview with Kissinger's former staff assistant on the National Security Council, Roger Morris. Morris said it is "absolutely plausible" that Kissinger gave his "nod" to Mujib's ouster because Mujib was on Kissinger's "enemies list" of the "three most hated men" along with Allende and Thieu. He perceived all three as major obstacles to his geopolitical diplomacy, "and he would have felt no hesitation to unseat an already unstable regime, and replacing it with a client state."

Evidence: India Today has obtained an advance copy of Lifschultz's forthcoming book, Bangladesh: The Unfinished Revolution, presenting evidence that the forces - including the cast of characters that overthrew Mujib on August 15,1975 - were the same that unsuccessfully tried to orchestrate a pro - Pakistani betrayal of Mujib in 1971. They were Kissinger and his emissaries, Bangladesh commerce minister who later became President, Khondakar Mushtaque Ahmed, and his associates, and Bangladesh's own intelligence services.

While much of Lifschultz's prodigious research, which took him three years to complete, is a product of his own interviews with Bangladesh and State Department sources, a significant portion of it is based on what is known as the Carnegie Papers. The Carnegies Endowment for Peace, (an influential think tank with close links to America's foreign policy establishment), launched its own probe of America's Bangladesh policies. Carnegie researchers conducted some 200 high-level interviews but the ultimate study was suppressed. But Lifschultz however was able to obtain, through leaks, large portions of the hitherto secret interview material compiled for the aborted Carnegie project.

That six junior military officers, backed by 200 soldiers, overthrew Mujib on their own to demonstrate the army's disenchantment with his policies, Lifschultz says, is a myth. This myth was first exploded by British journalist Anthony Mascarenhas who interviewed two Bangladesh majors involved in the coup and discovered that they were linked to Mushtaque. But the new study goes even further and states, on the basis of interviews with American officials, that the US Embassy in Dacca was approached by the perpetrators of the coup more than six months in advance of it.

Clandestine Activities: These discussions, according to the book, continued until January 1975 from when on, because of pressure from a Senate Intelligence Committee probe of CIA's covert and assassination activities, the contacts were conducted clandestinely bypassing normal diplomatic channels. The author has received information that the man in charge of dealing with the coup perpetrators was Dacca's CIA Station Chief Philip Cherry. But Cherry, in an interview with Lifschultz, has denied all involvement.

But information on the planning of the coup, Lifschultz's diplomatic sources told him, was regularly forwarded to Kissinger and his aides George Griffin and Harold Saunders. The Bangladeshis who approached the Americans for their assent to the coup, the book reveals, were Mahmud Alam Chashi, chairman of the Rural Development Academy, Taheruddin Thakur, Mujib's information minister, and A. B. S. Safder, Chashi and Thakur were by Khondakar Mushtaque's side when he announced Mujib's overthrow over Dacca Radio, and Safder was later to become director of Bangladesh's intelligence services (MIS).

The Kissinger-Ahmed-Chashi-Thakur-Safder link goes back to 1971. The Carnegie papers establish beyond any doubt that as many as eight secret contacts took place during that year between American intelligence sources and a faction of the Awami League Government-in-exile in an effort to split the Bangladesh independence movement and arrive at a settlement short of independence acceptable to Pakistan's Yahya Khan, whom Kissinger was wooing in the pursuit of his China initiative.
Mujib was then in jail in Pakistan and the head of his provisional government in Calcutta was Tajuddin Ahmed who was viewed by Kissinger as pro-India and pro-Soviet and a democratic socialist. The Americans made contact with Mushtaque who represented the right wing of the Awami League, through Chashi and Thakur. Chashi, a foreign service officer, had served in the US in the 1950s and was known to be committed ideologically to the American lobby.

According to Lifschultz, Kissinger - either in Europe, Washington or in New Delhi en route to Peking in July 1971 - talked directly to a representative of the Mushtaque faction.

The Plot: Since Tajuddin was committed to full independence for Bangladesh, "absolute discretion and secrecy was the key to splitting the Bengali leadership and supporting that faction which would compromise with Pakistan and not demand full independence", Lifschultz says.

Rehman: on Kissinger's enemies list
The moment for the 1971 coup against the Mujibists, the study suggests, was to be October 1971, when Mushtaque, as the provisional government's foreign minister, was to arrive in New York to present the Bangladesh case before the UN. According to plan he would unilaterally, and without warning, announce a compromise solution, short of independence and thereby pull off a coup against the Awami League leadership in Calcutta.

The plot was foiled after Tajuddin discovered Mushtaque's secret meetings and confined him to house arrest. After Mujib's return, Mushtaque was unceremoniously demoted to a lower ranking ministry. According to the Carnegie Papers the Mushtaque-Chashi-Thakur clique dealt with Griffin who was then a political officer in Calcutta. He reported directly to Saunders, now assistant secretary for South Asian affairs, and through him to Kissinger- the same trio who four years later were kept informed of the impending coup against Mujib by the same cast of Bengali characters.

The role of the Bangladesh intelligence services in 1971 and 1975 is a sordid tale of betrayal and intrigue. What is generally not known is that between 1961 and 1971,40 Bengali police officers - most of whom still occupy high government positions - were trained in CIA-sponsored counter-intelligence-oriented police academies such as the International Police Academy in Washington under Usaid's Office of Public Safety (OPS) programme. Thousands of police officers from Third World nations were trained under OPS.

Irony:
The OPS-Bangladesh connection is a grim one. Safder, said to be one of the contact men from the Mushtaque group with CIA's Cherry in 1975 is an OPS graduate.

Safder - once General Ayub's chief intelligence officer in East Pakistan - was undergoing OPS training in Washington when the Bangladesh civil war began. When the war was at its height that summer he, and another Bengali colleague Abdur Rahim, also trained in Washington, returned to East Bengal to side with Pakistan.

Safder took over a role in the counter-insurgency forces while Rahim took command of the dreaded Razakar Paramilitary Forces. All the OPS-trained officers, Lifschultz discovered, dominated the respective branches of their services and all remained in their posts and collaborated with the Pakistanis during the civil war, an activity that gained them the title of the Bangladesh Vichy. After the Mujib victory, there were widespread demands that the "Vichy" be tried for their crimes but they were saved from trial through heavy western and Islamic bloc pressure.

Most of them went into hiding. But it is an irony of history that when Mujib was collapsing in 1974 under the weight of national bankruptcy and a famine and charges of corruption he was forced to rely for his protection on the very forces that had fought on the other side during his struggle. Both Safder and Rahim were brought back into the government. The question is often posed how Mujib's intelligence apparatus failed to foresee the coup, Lifschultz suggests they were involved in it. After Mujib's ouster his entire secretariat fled for their lives but Rahim and Safder remained.

Dissent: During the period 1971 through 1975, according to the Carnegie Papers, Kissinger chose to orchestrate his personal diplomacy by bypassing diplomats and embassies and relying on secret contacts. Early in 1971 the American Consul General in Dacca, Archer Blood, sent a cable to Kissinger containing a resounding dissent against his Pakistan policy, signed by his colleagues. Many State Department officials who saw the cable in Washington added their signatures to it. They included prominent diplomats such as Howard Schaffer, Craig Baxter, Douglas Cockran, Anthony Quainton, Townsend Swayze, and Andrew Kilgore.

All of them, in the days ahead, says Lifschultz, were systematically ignored and frozen from making policy. And just as the American consul in Dacca was bypassed in 1974-75 during the secret negotiations with the Mushtaque clique, so too in 1971 Ambassador Kenneth Keating in Delhi, and Consul Herbert Gordon in Calcutta were kept in the dark about the real content of the discussions between the Mushtaque group and Kissinger's emissaries in their earlier attempt to break the Mujibist movement.

Some of the reasons for Kissinger's dislike of the Mujibists may be summed up as follows:

  • Kissinger's preference for dictatorships and dislike for democratic nonaligned movements.
  • Mujib was on his most hated list because of the trouble he caused him in his China policy.
  • The US was annoyed with Mujib for permitting the Soviet navy into Chittagong harbour - something unlikely to be repeated under Zia who is viewed as pro-Western.
  • The Mushtaque faction was seen as pro-American while Tajuddin was seen as a leftist and pro-Moscow.
  • Mujib was viewed as part of the Indo-Soviet axis engineered by Mrs Gandhi whom Nixon hated passionately and constantly referred to as "that bitch".

Nixon and Mrs Gandhi: hatred for Indira and India
Revelation of Nixon's personal hatred of India and of Mrs Gandhi and his calling her a "bitch" appears in an interview in the Carnegie Papers. A senior diplomatic correspondent who gave the interview said: "Nixon had a psychological thing about female leaders. He just didn't like Mrs Gandhi, and he liked military leaders like Yahya... After four or five months of indecision, they had major breakthroughs on China. In July, Kissinger had already made his trip. By that time they were only interested in one thing; to caress and coddle their relationship with China-to maintain that link.

Abusive: "In the fall as Mrs Gandhi's US visit approached, they were worried about the US-Pakistan-China alignment. I remember Nixon referred to Mrs Gandhi in abusive language several times. The tenor of the conversation was: "If she would only understand what was good for her. She misunderstood her own interests as they saw them. From things that Kissinger, Rogers and Sisco told Mrs Gandhi she realised they were operating on two different levels. I remember one reception during Mrs Gandhi's visit, Nixon made one of his blue sky toasts and Mrs Gandhi was very cold. The 'abusive' references were even greater after that at the White House."

Another senior State Department source said: "Back in 1967, I had Nixon in my house for three hours. He'd just been in a meeting with Indira Gandhi and he castigated her. He said she was no better than her father, that none of them were any better than Krishna Menon. He said he didn't understand how I could stand the Indians, how I could stand living in Bombay or Calcutta. I think the President's dislike for India was an important consideration in the Bangladesh crisis."
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