By Robert Trout
October 15, 2000
An
eyewitness account of the struggle between President Franklin D.
Roosevelt and Winston Churchill, over the fate of the post-war world is
contained in the book by the President's son, Elliott Roosevelt, 'As He
Saw
It,' (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1946). Elliott Roosevelt was
an aide to his father at all but one of the Big Three conferences during
World War II. Elliott Roosevelt recounts how his father, the American
President laid out his determination to shape a post-war world free of
colonialism, and his perspective for the economic development of the
former colonies to eradicate poverty and illiteracy.
The
following are two excerpts from Elliott Roosevelt's book. The first is
from a meeting of Roosevelt and Churchill at the Bay of Argentia, of the
coast of Newfoundland. It was at this meeting where Roosevelt forced
Churchill to sign the Atlantic Charter on August 14, 1941. This charter
contained key aspects of Roosevelt's vision of the post-war world.
The
first section is Elliott Roosevelt's account of the conference between
Roosevelt and Churchill at Argentia Bay off Newfoundland. The Atlantic
Charter was signed at this meeting on Aug 14, 1941.
(It should be
emphasized that Roosevelt is not promoting the British doctrine of free
trade. Indeed the British only followed the free trade approach when it
was to their benefit. The British Empire was based on monopolistic
trading arrangements that enriched Great Britain and impoverished the
colonies. Trade between British colonies and other countries was
severely limited.)
Roosevelt and Churchill Meet in August 1941
It
must be remembered that at this time Churchill was the war leader,
Father only the President of a state which had indicated its sympathies
in a tangible fashion. Thus, Churchill still arrogated the
conversational lead, still dominated the after-dinner hours. But the
difference was beginning to be felt.
And it was evidenced first, sharply, over Empire.
Father started it.
'Of
course,' he remarked, with a sly sort of assurance, 'of course, after
the war, one of the preconditions of any lasting peace will have to be
the greatest possible freedom of trade.'
He paused. The P.M.'s head was lowered; he was watching Father steadily, from under one eyebrow.
'No
artificial barriers,' Father pursued. 'As few favored economic
agreements as possible. Opportunities for expansion. Markets open for
healthy competition.' His eye wandered innocently around the room.
Churchill shifted in his armchair. 'The British Empire trade agreements' he began heavily, 'are--'
Father
broke in. 'Yes. Those Empire trade agreements are a case in point. It's
because of them that the people of India and Africa, of all the
colonial Near East and Far East, are still as backward as they are.'
Churchill's
neck reddened and he crouched forward. 'Mr. President, England does not
propose for a moment to lose its favored position among the British
Dominions. The trade that has made England great shall continue, and
under conditions prescribed by England's ministers.'
'You see,'
said Father slowly, 'it is along in here somewhere that there is likely
to be some disagreement between you, Winston, and me.
'I am
firmly of the belief that if we are to arrive at a stable peace it must
involve the development of backward countries. Backward peoples. How can
this be done? It can't be done, obviously, by eighteenth-century
methods. Now--'
'Who's talking eighteenth-century methods?'
'Whichever
of your ministers recommends a policy which takes wealth in raw
materials out of a colonial country, but which returns nothing to the
people of that country in consideration. Twentieth-century methods
involve bringing industry to these colonies. Twentieth-century methods
include increasing the wealth of a people by increasing their standard
of living, by educating them, by bringing them sanitation--by making
sure that they get a return for the raw wealth of their community.'
Around
the room, all of us were leaning forward attentively. Hopkins was
grinning. Commander Thompson, Churchill's aide, was looking glum and
alarmed. The P.M. himself was beginning to look apoplectic.
'You mentioned India,' he growled.
'Yes.
I can't believe that we can fight a war against fascist slavery, and at
the same time not work to free people all over the world from a
backward colonial policy.'
'What about the Philippines?'
'I'm
glad you mentioned them. They get their independence, you know, in
1946. And they've gotten modern sanitation, modern education; their rate
of illiteracy has gone steadily down....'
'There can be no tampering with the Empire's economic agreements.'
'They're artificial....'
'They're the foundation of our greatness.'
'The
peace,' said Father firmly, 'cannot include any continued despotism.
The structure of the peace demands and will get equality of peoples.
Equality of peoples involves the utmost freedom of competitive trade.
Will anyone suggest that Germany's attempt to dominate trade in central
Europe was not a major contributing factor to war?'
It was an argument that could have no resolution between these two men....
The conversation resumed the following evening:
Gradually,
very gradually, and very quietly, the mantle of leadership was slipping
from British shoulders to American. We saw it when, late in the
evening, there came one flash of the argument that had held us hushed
the night before. In a sense, it was to be the valedictory of
Churchill's outspoken Toryism, as far as Father was concerned. Churchill
had got up to walk about the room. Talking, gesticulating, at length he
paused in front of Father, was silent for a moment, looking at him, and
then brandished a stubby forefinger under Father's nose.
'Mr.
President,' he cried, 'I believe you are trying to do away with the
British Empire. Every idea you entertain about the structure of the
postwar world demonstrates it. But in spite of that'--and his forefinger
waved--'in spite of that, we know that you constitute our only hope.
And'--his voice sank
dramatically--'{you} know that {we} know it. {You} know that {we} know that without America, the Empire won't stand.'
Churchill
admitted, in that moment, that he knew the peace could only be won
according to precepts which the United States of America would lay down.
And in saying what he did, he was acknowledging that British colonial
policy would be a dead duck, and British attempts to dominate world
trade would be a dead duck, and British ambitions to play off the
U.S.S.R. against the U.S.A. would be a dead duck.
Or would have been, if Father had lived.
The
policies that Roosevelt fought for were embodied in the Atlantic
Charter that Roosevelt and Churchill signed at this meeting. However,
Roosevelt died on April 12, 1945. His successor, Harry Truman shared
none of Roosevelt's vision. His Presidency proved to be a tragic
failure.
At the Casablanca Conference
A
similar kind of discussion occurred between Roosevelt and Churchill at
the Casablanca Conference in January 1943. The following is Elliott's
description of his father's talk with him one evening during that
meeting.
His thoughts turned to the problem of the colonies
and the colonial markets, the problem which he felt was at the core of
all chance for future peace. 'The thing is,' he remarked thoughtfully,
replacing a smoked cigarette in his holder with a fresh one, 'the
colonial system means war. Exploit the resources of an India, a Burma, a
Java; take all the wealth out of those countries, but never put
anything back into them, things like education, decent standards of
living, minimum health requirements--all you're doing is storing up the
kind of trouble that leads to war. All you're doing is negating the
value of any kind of organizational structure for peace before it
begins.
'The look that Churchill gets on his face when you mention India!
'India
should be made a commonwealth at once. After a certain number of
years--five perhaps, or ten--she should be able to choose whether she
wants to remain in the Empire or have complete independence.
'As a
commonwealth, she would be entitled to a modern form of government, an
adequate health and educational standard. But how can she have these
things, when Britain is taking all the wealth of her national resources
away from her, every year? Every year the Indian people have one thing
to look forward to, like death and taxes. Sure as shooting, they have a
famine. The season of the famine,
they call it.'
He paused for a moment, thinking.
'I must tell Churchill what I found out about his British Gambia today,' he said, with a note of determination.
'At Bathurst?' I prompted.
'This
morning,' he said, and now there was real feeling in his voice, 'at
about eight-thirty, we drove through Bathurst to the airfield. The
natives were just getting to work. In rags ... glum-looking... They told
us the natives would look happier around noontime, when the sun should
have burned off the dew and the chill. I was told the prevailing wages
for these men was one and nine. One shilling, ninepence. Less than fifty
cents.'
'An hour?' I asked, foolishly.
'A {day!} Fifty
cents a {day!} Besides which, they're given a half-cup of rice.' He
shifted uneasily in his big bed. 'Dirt, disease. Very high mortality
rate. I asked. Life expectancy--you'd never guess what it was.
Twenty-six years. Those people are treated worse than the livestock.
Their cattle live longer!'
He was silent for a moment.
'Churchill
may have thought I wasn't serious, last time. He'll find out, this
time.' He looked at me thoughtfully for a moment. 'How is it, where you
are? How is it in Algeria?' he asked.
I told him it was the same
story. Rich country, rich resources, natives desperately poor, a few
white colonials that lived very well, a few native princes that lived
very well, otherwise poverty, disease, ignorance. He nodded.
And
then he went on to tell of what he thought should be done: France to be
restored as a world power, then to be entrusted with her former
colonies, as a trustee. As trustee, she was to report each year on the
progress of her stewardship, how the literacy rate was improving, how
the death rate declining, how disease being stamped out, how...
'Wait a minute,' I interrupted. 'Who's she going to report all this to?'
'The
organization of the United Nations, when it's been set up,' answered
Father. It was the first time I'd ever heard of this plan. 'How else?' I
asked Father. 'The Big Four--ourselves, Britain, China, the Soviet
Union--we'll be responsible for the peace of the world after....
'...It's
already high time for us to be thinking of the future, building for
it.... These great powers will have to assume the tasks of bringing
education, raising the standards of living, improving the health
conditions--of all the backward, depressed colonial areas of the world.
'And
when they've had a chance to reach maturity, they must have the
opportunity extended them of independence. After the United Nations as a
whole have decided that they are prepared for it.
'If this isn't done, we might as well agree that we're in for another war.'
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